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- Domestic Violence Risk Assessment: Informing Safety Planning & Risk Management Brief
- Univ.-Prof. Dr. Volker Wulf
- Planning as Scholarship: Origins and Prospects
This page contains a list of our forthcoming articles.
A computational econometric modeling technique for the parametric simulation of effort and duration estimation as applied to the development of software systems , Peter J Morales. Adaptable Due Process , Jason Parkin. Adjustment to college: The role of optimism, coping strategies, and parental attachment , Lauren Herrmann. Nolon and Tiffany Zezula. After Gender?
Domestic Violence Risk Assessment: Informing Safety Planning & Risk Management Brief
This article discusses the origins and prospects of urban planning as a scholarship. Urban planning is a relatively young academic discipline and, despite its storied genes, lacks an extensive, established canon on which to rest its laurels.
It also has a conflicted status in the academy with its dual nature as both craft and intellectual field. The article proposes that planning research habitually embodies at least four indicative, over-lapping orientations, including built and natural environments, interdependent problems, implementation and practice, and change. It also discusses the contents of this volume, which is about purpose, role, process, and practice of urban planning, as well as the phenomena with which contemporary planning has been most concerned.
Keywords: urban planning , scholarship , craft , intellectual field , built environment , natural environments , interdependent problems. Its youth affords it the flexibility to take on varied guises: an upstart social science; a boundary-spanning source of professional knowledge; and a fraternity of generalists, problem-solvers, and idealists, many being migrants from other, more traditional disciplines.
Yet the absence of a singular disciplinary tradition often obscures commonalities between scholars within the field. Because of its multiple identities, the field p. That said, we propose that planning research habitually embodies at least four indicative, overlapping orientations:. Frederick Law Olmsted Jr. While many fields aim to better understand poverty, traffic, governance, or environmental resource conflicts, planning is distinctive in its focus on how the complexity of urban place and space informs and affects these phenomena.
Even today, when space can be more virtual than tangible, it arguably remains the first planning focus and lens. These challenges are multidimensional, interrelated, and often deeply problematic. Above all, much like the cities and places they seek to both explain and repair, they are neither simply described nor understood. In contrast to many other disciplines for which the problems of cities and their hinterlands are an object of study, the principle purpose of planning is to do something about them.
The questions that urban planners ask and the perspectives that they bring to these issues are, if not entirely unique, distinctively solutions-oriented. An overarching concern for practice, implementation, and affirmative change distinguishes planning from the other social sciences and enriches the intellectual content of research conducted under its auspices. Unlike the ironic stance taken by Attwood in the poem, they are united by a confidence that efforts to anticipate and prepare for change should be taken as part of the collective or shared purpose of improving cities.
Some construct detailed models and imagine alternative scenarios in order to predict the future consequences of present actions. Others gather data and build theories to more accurately represent real-time transformations in neighborhoods and regions. While offering a source of information, commentary, and expertise relevant to practitioners, this volume is not intended to offer best practices or translate innovative academic thinking for them.
These handbooks describe the mainstream practices of planning and city management. By contrast, this handbook offers planning academics and scholars in such allied fields as architecture, geography, economics, and public administration detailed literature reviews, conceptual musings and theoretical frameworks. The following thirty-eight chapters demonstrate the breadth, substance, and significance of the multiple spatial, historical, economic, physical, and social policy contexts in which cities have developed.
Each chapter represents an original contribution tailor-made for the volume. They report the latest research on these topics in a manner that is accessible to an academic audience from the social sciences, policy sciences, and design and legal professions. No comparable compendium of contemporary urban planning research currently exists.
The remainder of this chapter further considers this volume's significance, intellectual structure, organizational scheme, and content. People flock to cities in pursuit of prosperity even as they contend with severe resource shortages, segregation, and polarized labor markets.
While few would claim that the problems plaguing contemporary cities are greater in number or magnitude than in the past, more individuals are certainly affected by those problems today owing to contemporary urbanization patterns. In , 3. The modern nation state in the nineteenth century thrived on unprecedented urbanization and the expansion of a market economy. The administration of growing and moving populations inspired new tools for social order and control, foremost among these bureaucratic reforms tied to an impersonal, secular, and calculating rationality Simmel ; Weber ; Flyvbjerg ; Mitchell The powers of engineering that made warfare, trade and travel predictable and swift inspired the imaginations of reformers.
The promise of health, security, and welfare, once the prerogative for elites, could be provided to the urban masses through enlightened and efficient municipal planning and management see Corburn this volume for a discussion of the roots of urban planning in sanitary and health reforms.
The progressive movement nurtured planning institutions that tapped and expanded the roles of professionals as administrators and consulting experts subjecting political corruption and economic exploitation to the norms of purposeful collective decisions responsive to a public interest.
Scholars have offered detailed historical accounts of how urban space emerged as a legitimate sphere of governance Boyer ; Fishman ; ; Hall ; see also Ben-Joseph this volume. They track and critique how professions such as landscape architecture, engineering, economics, and sociology shaped the emerging field of city planning, especially as an institutional reform located between the administrative and political functions of government.
Western imperialism exported many of the tenets of modern spatial planning to colonies around the world where they were grafted on to and appropriated through indigenous traditions of city building King Plans became the legal and moral artifacts that represented the principles, goals, and expert advice of their authors and sponsors. After the s, the synthetic focus on the physical city gradually lost out to more diffuse and bureaucratic policy approaches to the subject, such as technical standards and land use regulations.
Planners became specialists operating within their own functionally segregated areas of expertise, cut off both from grand visions and from the moral sentiment that motivated them. Later advances in computing technologies allowed for further rationalization of planning approaches Michael ; see also Landis and Esnard, this volume. The growing professional distance and faith in methods led mainstream planning to ignore or misinterpret the racial conflict and economic polarization p.
In the s, attempts to reshape the profession to be an advocate for those most harmed by the concentrations of public and private power—namely low-income residents, immigrants, people of color—surfaced as a challenge to the ongoing bureaucratization process. In the United States, urban planning developed more independent professional coherence and integrity during the latter half of the twentieth century. This was a fertile period of planning scholarship, capturing the great tensions between competing paradigms of urban governance and reacting to professional planning's greatest accomplishments and failures.
The postwar era saw the wholesale clearance of working-class neighborhoods, the coordination feats involved in laying thousands of miles of highways, the ambitious plans to end urban poverty, and grassroots efforts to build community.
And during this turbulent period, the visibility of planners and the demands on the scholarly field of urban planning grew. Specialized educational offerings for this young profession expanded in the s, and the first PhD program was developed during this time Perloff ; Teitz The profession has ventured well beyond its traditional boundaries since those origins, integrating such diverse subfields as geospatial analysis and community organizing. Since the profession began its accreditation process, over eighty universities in the North America have adopted graduate urban planning degrees programs.
The field of urban planning has experienced something of a rebirth in the last decade; urban planning programs are experiencing a record number of applicants and are graduating an unprecedented number of professionals. The profession is expected to grow at an above average rate of 19 percent between and Bureau of Labor Statistics This popularity could be due in part to a growing awareness of the hazards of unplanned growth, concerns about natural environments and economic injustice, and belief that planning can smooth transitions as society becomes more urbanized Michael The status of academic planning also reflects the ascendance of the policy sciences and the value of applied knowledge in the face of continued urban development challenges.
Though never unimportant, systematic study of the ways in which cities and their administrations work, and fail to work, has gained renewed intellectual currency in a world where the promises of prosperity often fall short. Owing to its youth and practical relevance, planning holds an awkward place within the academy, one that deserves further exploration and explication through p. Its dual nature as both craft how to plan and intellectual field why and for whom to plan can be viewed as a liability.
Planning aspires to be both legible and useful to those outside the academy and valued by the analytical standards of the academy. As such, academic planning finds itself trapped between competing instrumentalities of knowledge.
It is often dismissed as overly concerned with the application of existing knowledge for external constituencies and normative to the sake of being biased Scott and Roweis Other, more established academic disciplines claim to focus instead on the development of new knowledge for its own sake. Such generalizations are unfair and have invited a torrent of analytic hair splitting about the nature of applied knowledge.
The permeable walls between academe and the profession have many supporters. Planners develop knowledge that informs the practical judgments of a wide range of decision makers. Planners have also had to contend with intellectual and professional assaults on the profession's basic premises: that planned processes and outcomes are superior to unplanned ones and that planning can, in fact, reflect some kind of public interest for a review of the latter, see Campbell and Marshall Critiques of planning have a longstanding and diverse ideological pedigree.
As archetypical producers of technocratic knowledge, those in central planning have been accused by scholars ranging from Frederich von Hayek , to Peter Gordon see, for example, Gordon and Richardson of misrepresenting individual preferences e.
These critiques are not just voiced in the halls of academe but also, more loudly, in city council meetings, policy debates, and development conflicts around the world. Libertarian activists, such as the Institute for Justice and the Wise Use movement in the United States, have made similar arguments against the abuse of government's power to sap individual freedoms and undermine rights to private property. Other critiques of planning—coming from left-leaning scholars such as Michel Foucault and James Scott —have challenged the abstracting logics of state planning.
They argue that the interpretations of space and human behavior that derive from abstractions such as maps and statistics i. Unlike the neo-Hayekians, it is not state intervention that is anathema p. Only recognition of the tacit knowledge and material experiences of nonexperts—acknowledged somewhat by the turn toward communicative action and participatory planning—could undo some of the damage wrought by planning's grandiose attempts to improve the human condition.
While offering important insights into the multi-partisan resistance to planning, both critiques tend to overstate the power that contemporary planners possess. Indeed a strong anti-expert sentiment has kept public-sector technicians relegated to advice giving—at least in the North American context. Fears about planners ruling the world may be less realistic than the more radical critique of planning, which accuses planners not of having too much power but of sitting on the sidelines while capitalism extends its reach somewhat confirmed by the political case analyses of Altshuler The squalid, unhealthy, unsustainable, and expensive conditions of cities are less a by-product of planning's wrong-headed interventions, these critics point out, than of its short-term political impotence and its long-term inability to address the contradictions and dislocations of capital accumulation Scott and Roweis Academic planners are aware of these shortcomings, and some of the field's loudest critics have themselves found homes within the discipline.
This is testament to the field's willingness to embrace diverse views and its interest in confronting controversy. Critique and disagreement contribute to intellectual ferment within the field, a ferment that we attempt to represent and engage in the following compilation. Indeed, the Handbook is intended not just to bring together in one volume an inclusive statement of the varied frameworks and substantive foci within the field of urban planning but to focus on the debates surrounding them.
The Handbook is organized into three sections. These sections concern the three fundamental lines of inquiry most apparent in urban planning scholarship today: the role and purpose of planning, its practice and content, and its impact. The Handbook begins with a discussion of the discipline's motivations and goals. Planning in a mixed-market economy is most often justified by the presence of p. Competing land uses abutting each other negative externalities , retail market opportunities foregone by businesses because of racial stereotyping information asymmetries , and overconsumption of natural resources public goods are all accepted motivations for planning interventions by even by the staunchest free marketer.
However, the market-failure perspective provides only one, very functional explanation for the evolution of planning. Other more historical or institutional accounts of the field's genesis and rationale are considered here. Planners make judgments in the context of great uncertainties and competing interests, and they are motivated by a variety of values and beliefs.
These values often conflict within the same plan. Can one plan be aesthetically pleasing, fiscally productive, and environmentally sustainable? Certain principles nonetheless constitute a repertoire that frequently guides plans, and their definition and operationalization are discussed in this section. This section addresses grounded and normative questions of practice, as well as the field's clashing philosophical roots in both Enlightenment-era rationalism and American pragmatism.
Issues of expertise, technique, and communication have engaged planning theory for the last century. This section also focuses on the different activities that constitute contemporary planning. Research is presented in two forms.
Univ.-Prof. Dr. Volker Wulf
Commitment in a Virtual Team , Anne Powell. Community-centric virtual government: Citizen interaction in the e-spaces , Deborah Stanton. Competitive Intelligence and the Web , Robert Boncella. Competitive Intelligence and the Web , Robert J. Computer based learning systems and the development of computer self-efficacy: Are all sources of efficacy created equal? Gallupe and Gerardine DeSanctis. Computer skills and student learning: The impact of feedback and on-line learning resources on student learning Performance , James Coakley and Craig Tyran.
Mail: volker. This was followed by a number of visiting and deputy professorships at the Universities of Hamburg and Freiburg. Since he is member of the CHI-Academy. His research interests lie primarily in the area of Socio-Informatics, taking a practice-based approach to the design of IT systems in real-world settings. This includes the development of innovative applications in the areas of cooperation systems, knowledge management and community support. One special focus lies on flexible software architecture which can be adapted by end-users. Further research focuses on methods of user-oriented software development and introduction processes.
Empirical Evaluation of Information Security Planning and Integration. Randall F. Young. University of Texas–Pan American. [email protected] John Windsor.
Planning as Scholarship: Origins and Prospects
Jump to navigation. The Brief provides a general overview of DV risk assessment including the purpose of conducting risk assessments, tools, best practices, how risk assessment informs risk management and safety planning, and risk assessment with populations that experience increased vulnerability to domestic homicide i. Suggested Citation: Campbell, M. Domestic Homicide Brief 2. ISBN
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This article discusses the origins and prospects of urban planning as a scholarship. Urban planning is a relatively young academic discipline and, despite its storied genes, lacks an extensive, established canon on which to rest its laurels. It also has a conflicted status in the academy with its dual nature as both craft and intellectual field.
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Блестящий замысел. Выходит, Стратмор был зрителем теннисного матча, следящим за мячом лишь на одной половине корта. Поскольку мяч возвращался, он решил, что с другой стороны находится второй игрок. Но Танкадо бил мячом об стенку. Он превозносил достоинства Цифровой крепости по электронной почте, которую направлял на свой собственный адрес. Он писал письма, отправлял их анонимному провайдеру, а несколько часов спустя этот провайдер присылал эти письма ему самому. Теперь, подумала Сьюзан, все встало на свои места.
Это открытие было болезненным, однако правда есть правда. Стратмор скачал файл с Цифровой крепостью и запустил его в ТРАНСТЕКСТ, но программа Сквозь строй отказалась его допустить, потому что файл содержал опасную линейную мутацию. В обычных обстоятельствах это насторожило бы Стратмора, но ведь он прочитал электронную почту Танкадо, а там говорилось, что весь трюк и заключался в линейной мутации. Решив, что никакой опасности нет, Стратмор запустил файл, минуя фильтры программы Сквозь строй. Сьюзан едва могла говорить. - Никакой Цифровой крепости не существует, - еле слышно пробормотала она под завывание сирены и, обессилев, склонилась над своим компьютером. Танкадо использовал наживку для дурачков… и АНБ ее проглотило.
У Бринкерхоффа подогнулись колени.
А как насчет вскрытия шифров. Какова твоя роль во всем. Сьюзан объяснила, что перехватываемые сообщения обычно исходят от правительств потенциально враждебных стран, политических фракций, террористических групп, многие из которых действуют на территории США.
Я сижу у себя точно на раскаленных углях. - Пока. Есть вести от Дэвида.
Коммандер не отпускал. Она попробовала закричать, но голос ей не повиновался. Ей хотелось убежать, но сильные руки тянули ее .
В конце концов ей пришлось смириться. Когда они в ту ночь отправились спать, она старалась радоваться с ним вместе, но что-то в глубине души говорило ей: все это кончится плохо. Она оказалась права, но никогда не подозревала насколько. - Вы заплатили ему десять тысяч долларов? - Она повысила голос. - Это грязный трюк.
А вы останетесь. - Мне неприятно тебе это говорить, - сказал Стратмор, - но лифт без электричества - это не лифт. - Вздор! - крикнул Хейл. - Лифт подключен к энергоснабжению главного здания.
Перед ней, исчезая где-то в темноте, убегали вдаль две желтые линии.